· Units:
· 22nd Infantry
· 4th Division
· VII Corps
· XV Corps
· 5th Armored Division
Ernest Hemingway compared the Hurtgen forest to the British Offensive in
Paschendale during World War I. Many of the opposing German generals also
compared the battle to those of 1917-18 and von Gersdorf said it was more
horrendous than any he experienced on the Russian Front.
For your consideration 16 November
At 2245 hours on 15 November, the 4th Division's infantry regiments received
the tentative word the attack would commence 16 November.
The morning of the attack began with increased activity from the Germans.
First, indiscriminate heavy shelling from either 170mm or 240mm guns injured
eight soldiers in King Company 3d Battalion. Then, at 1015, a patrol from the
1st Battalion ran into a German patrol while checking telephone wire. In the
ensuing firefight one German was wounded and one American was captured. One of
the observation posts reported increased sniping.
At 1245 hours 16 November, the lead elements of the 2d Battalion 22d Infantry
stepped across the Roter Weh stream, followed by soldiers of the 1st and 3d
Battalions. Although the VII Corps had delayed the attack until there was good
weather for bombing, there was no air support used in the 22d's sector. Colonel
Charles Lanham, the 22d's regimental commander, had also rejected the use of a
traditional artillery preparation before the attack. Instead, he had the
artillery fire on the flanks of the proposed regimental penetration in the
hopes of misleading the Germans. In keeping with his efforts to deceive the
enemy as to the regiment's objectives, Lanham also directed the battalions
avoid the trails and advance through the woods.
Although surprise was not complete, the lead company of the regiment advanced
about 600 yards in thirty minutes before making any contact. Lanham's efforts
in concealing the attack helped the assault companies in their advance by
preventing the German artillery from pinpointing their movement. For the first
two hours of the attack, all the reports from the battalions to regiment and
regiment to division cited little or no resistance and that things were
"going well". That pronouncement soon changed.
George Company, 2d Battalion, led the regimental advance, with its 3d Platoon
leading the company and the remaining platoons following in column. The company
climbed the steep east side of the Roter Weh Valley and began to travel
northeast through the dense pine woods which greatly limited visibility. About
600 yards beyond the Roter Weh, the 3d Platoon scouts encountered their first
Germans, who fired a few shots and fell back to warn their comrades. As the
company continued to climb the hill it began to receive machinegun fire from
the German positions. From that moment, until the 22d left the Hurtgen
seventeen days later, the front line companies seldom made a move free from
enemy fire.
Lieutenant Twomey, the George Company Commander, after first trying to use his
60mm mortars to flush the enemy from their holes, brought up another platoon
and with the help of the regimental Cannon Company, overran the initial German
position. The two platoons moved forward yelling and firing their weapons from
the hip. This was too much for the Germans and they fell back, with the
Americans catching glimpses of them fleeing through the trees. After the
company crossed the promontory known as Rabenheck, it halted at 1630 hours and
dug in on the east slope of Hill 201.
Easy Company, the next company in line, came up a small draw on the left of
George Company, shifting slightly to the left as it maneuvered through the
woods. Its lead platoon ran into a German fortified position covered by a
barbed wire entanglement and mines in the draw north of Hill 201. Here the 2d
Platoon Leader, Second Lieutenant Erwin Mitman, recently awarded a battle field
commission, was killed as he moved forward to recon the enemy position. The
platoon medic, Private First Class Harry Coles, raced forward to help, only to
also be killed. These two soldiers were probably the first in the 22d to die in
the Hurtgen forest. When George Company called for Easy Company to come
forward, the company commander, Captain Arthur Newcomb decided to bypass the
enemy position. Easy Company dug in for the night on George Company's left, in
the draw north of Rabenheck, overlooking Road W.
Later in the night, when he discovered supplies could not get up to the forward
units, the 2d Battalion Commander, Lieutenant Colonel Glenn Walker, ordered
Easy Company to go back and destroy the enemy position. Captain Newcomb sent
Lieutenant William Mason with one reinforced squad from Easy Company and two
squads from 1st Platoon Able Company, 1st Battalion, to destroy the German
position. The enemy entrenchment consisted of from twelve to fourteen log
covered emplacements surrounding a large pillbox with the entire area ringed by
barbed wire. Mason's three squads advanced on line and took out one bunker at a
time. Four Germans were captured out of the fifteen or sixteen manning the
bunkers. The rest were killed.
During the first day's fight, the 2d Battalion had succeeded in driving a very
small wedge into the German forward defenses, but at a high cost. Losses for
the regiment were reported as nine officers and forty-six enlisted men, with
the majority coming from the 2d battalion. Actual losses were four officers and
sixty-nine enlisted. Since no vehicles could get forward, the soldiers of the
weapons platoons hand carried the casualties 1000 yards back over the original
attack route during the night. On the return trip to their companies, the
soldiers carried forward supplies to the battalion.
The area of the Hurtgen forest battle is on the German-Belgian border just
southeast of Aachen. The towns of Eschweiler to the northwest, Duren to the
northeast, Rotgen to the southwest and the Schwammenaul Dam to the southeast
form the four corners of the battlefield.
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The first part of this post tells of the terrain and the second part of the
German units facing the 22d in the Hurtgen.
The Terrain and Weather in the Hurtgen Forest
The Hurtgen Forest lies along the middle eastern portion of the forest barrier
located south of Aachen in front of the Roer River. The towns of Eschweiler to
the northwest, Duren to the northeast, Rutgen to the southwest, and the
Schwammenaul Dam to the southeast formed the four corners of the battlefield.
Figure 2 provides details of the Hurtgen Forest area in which the 22d fought.
Entering the forest from the west, the 22d Infantry first encountered the Roter
Weh road and stream. Immediately after crossing the stream, the soldiers
climbed a 180 foot high hill that runs north south with a promontory known as
Rabenheck. Firebreaks traversed the hill laterally, which during November were
water-logged and had been filled with mines by the Germans. East of Rabenheck,
the Weisser Weh road traveled north to south through a gorge. Known in the American
plan as Road W, it was the only road suitable for resupplying the regiment. The
Weisser Weh stream also traversed this gorge. In 1944, the stream was about
nine feet wide and waist deep.
Two roads joined Road W near Rabenheck. Both also traveled down steep gorges
cut into the rock by streams. The most important of the two in the 22d
Infantry's sector was the one in the north, called Road X, which led to the
village of Grosshau.
Road Z, in the southern part of the sector led to the village of Kleinhau.
Between these two roads stood a 310 foot high ridge, which was cut by many
streams. Road Y, an offshoot of Road X, zigzagged up the ridge and also led
into Kleinhau.
The entire region was thickly wooded with hardwood and fir trees, with very few
cleared areas. The forest was divided into forestry sections, with concrete
markers telling the section numbers at each trail intersection. The firs, in
nursery rows ten to fifteen feet apart; limited visibility to a few yards.
Those areas not planted by foresters were thick with dense hardwood
undergrowth. The combination of terrain and vegetation cleared for farming.
East of the hamlets, the forest closed on the roads leading into the Roer plain
and the elevation dropped 630 feet in the 2000 yards separating Grosshau and
Gey. The one road between the two villages twisted and turned with an almost
sheer sixty foot drop on one side.
The Hurtgen's topography robbed the infantryman of two of his closest
companions, armor and artillery. The few roads and steepness of the hillsides
restricted the use of armor until the infantry could clear a path to open
terrain and the denseness of the forest limited the use of artillery because
the observers could not observe the targets at long distances.
The trees tremendously increased the effectiveness of the defender's artillery
while negating the effectiveness of the attacker's. Treebursts, caused by
artillery rounds hitting tree trunks and branches, showered everything below
with fragments. The shrapnel from the rounds was effective against attacking
soldiers in the open, but had little effect on defending soldiers dug in with
overhead cover.
Almost nothing is worse for an infantryman's morale than to be wet and cold and
to hathes stayed wet, and the dampness bred hypothermia and trenchfoot.
The weather affected not only the individual soldier but also the organization.
Even when it was not raining, water dripped continually from the trees. The
soil in the area has a high clay content, which when wet turns into an oily,
slippery mud that sticks to everything it touches. Trails quickly became
axle-deep in mud under vehicle traffic, and soldiers climbing the slopes many
times found themselves sliding back down the hill, only The German Forces in
the Hurtgen.
Facing the 22d Regiment in the Hurtgen Forest was a conglomeration of many
units. The 275th Volksgrenadier (VG) Division had been in the forest since the
middle of October and had successfully opposed the 9th and 28th Divisions in
their earlier bid to clear the woods. By 16 November, the 275th had absorbed
thirty-seven different units. Two battalions of the 275th's 985th Regiment,
each with approximately 300 soldiers, opposed the 22d's initial attack.
The mainstay of the German defense was its artillery. When the battle opened,
General Hans Schmidt, the 275th Division Commander, controlled 25 pieces of
motorized artillery (9 105mm, 6 150mm, and 10 122mm howitzers) plus had within
his sector another 106 field pieces ranging in size from 88mm to 210mm, for at
total of 131 tubes of artillery, not counting mortars, versus 96 pieces of
artillery, counting corps artillery, that could support the 4th US Division.
Schmidt's division also had twenty-one assault guns, twenty-two 75mm anti-tank
guns and one 88mm anti-tank gun. And for the first time in months, the Germans
had a good supply of ammunition. This was just the beginning strength. As units
cycled into the battle, more artillery and more German regiments entered the
line between the 22d and its objective, Grosshau. North and south of Grosshau
were the I and III Battalions of the 1055 Regiment of the 89th Division and the
II Battalion of the 1058 Regiment, 344th Volksgrenadier Division, was
positioned in the center. While these regiments were from different divisions,
the 275th commander, General Schmidt, remained in overall command of the
sector. When the American attack resumed on 20 November, fresh German units
faced them.
It appears throughout the battle that newly arrived German units acted as
counter attack forces until they too became exhausted. On 21 November, the
344th VG Division replaced the 275th VG Division. The original 344th had been
destroyed in the German retreat across France and rebuilt in October from
remnants of the 344th and they had little time to train together. The surviving
infantry soldiers of the 275th transferred to the 344th.
The 344th had no experience in woods fighting and was unfamiliar with the
terrain. It is no wonder that only six days later, the 353d VG relieved the
remnants of the 344th. This was the 353d's second stint in the Hurtgen, since
it had been relieved by the 275th VG in early October so that it might
reconstitute. Again the remaining infantry of the relieved division was
absorbed by the incoming division. Quite possibly some of the German soldiers
transferred to the 353d VG had been in that division before it was pulled out
for reconstitution, remaining in the woods with the each successive
headquarters.
The 22d met in turn, units of four German divisions during its eighteen day
ordeal in the forest. When Grosshau fell on 29 November, the 22d Infantry
reported that there were German units in the town from almost every division in
the LXXIV Corps. As noted in Figure 8, the 250 captured prisoners represented
four different divisions, eight different regiments, and forty-seven different
company-sized elements. The regimental intelligence officer reported that he
could not find a complete squad.
The morale and overall quality of the German forces facing the Americans in the
Hurtgen was low. The units were a hodgepodge from everywhere. Intermingled as
they were, therut. In their hopeless resignation some became fatalists, others
sought consolation in religion. After collapse of the confidence in its
leadership, the troops, in point of fact, continued fighting only for their
personal security.
German division commanders in the Hurtgen sector ordered their soldiers not to
retreat or surrender. The option to retreat closed; many preferred to surrender
than face their superior's wrath for retreating.
Although many expressed a desire to surrender, fear for their families held
many lower ranking German soldiers in place. During this period of the war, it
was standard practice for German officers to require their soldiers to sign
loyalty oaths. German soldiers also faced the threat of their families
imprisonment in concentration camps if they deserted. Some divisions posted
names of those who had deserted or been captured and used them as warnings to
other soldiers in the division not to surrender.
Excerpts from one of the exhortations captured from soldiers of the 275th VG
reads as follows,
Think about it
1. Don't surrender to the enemy, unless your are severely wounded and you can't
shoot anymore.
6. Every act of treason will be known at home and not forgotten there. For
traitors there will be no homecoming.
7. The families are responsible for cowards and deserters. Their names will be
placed on the 'blacklist'.
Others were more vehement,
Traitors from our ranks have deserted to the enemy. Their names are: . . . .
These bastards have given away military secrets. . . Deceitful Jewish mud
slingers taunt you with their pamphlets and try to entice you into becoming
bastards also. . . As for the contemptible traitors . . .rest assured, the
division will see to it that they never see home and loved ones again. Their
families will have to atone for their treason.
Notwithstanding the threat of reprisals, many of the German soldiers saw
surrender as the preferred solution for their plight. The motivation of a
typical German soldier is shown in a diary of a soldier captured outside
Grosshau,
22 November 44--While standing my post I am thinking about my brother who died
3 years ago. I am wet through and through and wish the only possible thing,
either get slightly wounded or become a PW. The latter would be the much more
appreciated solution.
23 November 44--While the shells explode in front of my foxhole I am writing
this . . . The Corporal is missing since last night and we think he is a PW. We
all envy him. . . .
In the eighteen days of combat, the 22d Infantry captured 764 Germans, many of
who either walked into the American lines and gave up or waited until the
Americans were on top of their positions to surrender.
The lack of first class troops in the Hurtgen Forest did not hamper a strong
German defense. They overcame their personnel deficiencies by mining the few
roads, trails, and firebreaks in the Hurtgen, and plotting massive artillery
concentrations on the road and trail junctions. With the terrain further
constricted, even poorly organized squads could hold out against much larger
units, while inflicting heavy casualties on any attacker.
Excerpted from Paschendale with Treebursts
I also have the complete German Order of Battle down to the Company level to
include the names of most of the company commanders. (Extracted from the
interrogation prisoner of war reports.)
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Subject: 22d Inf in Hurtgen 17 Nov 44
17 November 1944
Colonel Lanham believed the 2d Battalion's resupply problems hampered its
ability to continue the attack on the 17th. Instead, the Regimental Operations
Officer, Lieutenant Colonel Earl Edwards, ordered the 1st Battalion to pass around
the left flank of the 2d Battalion and attack along the firebreak that led
northeast over Hill 206. The 2nd Battalion was to follow the 1st Battalion.
The Germans reacted violently to the 1st Battalion's advance the morning of
November. Heavy barrages of German artillery and mortar fire crashed down as
soon as the battalion began to move forward. The fire caused heavy casualties
in Baker Company, leading the attack, and killed the 1st Battalion Commander,
Major Hubert Drake. Disorganization halted the advance for a few hours until
the battalion reorganized and evacuated the casualties to the rear. The 1st
Battalion Operations Officer, Captain Clifford Henley, remembered:
"Everything was in a muddle. B Company had about 50 casualties at the top
of a slope and it was difficult to hand carry them in litters to the forward
aid station 1000 yards away. Communications were also knocked out. We did
everything possible to reorganize and push off with the attack as
planned."
In the midst of this disorder, Lanham ordered the battalion executive officer,
Major George Goforth, to assume command. The only instructions Goforth
remembered receiving were that he was not to get in the same foxhole with
Captain Henley because of the heavy officer losses.
Just before the advance resumed, four light tanks arrived and started forward
with Baker Company. They were good for morale but little else. Two drove over
mines and were knocked out and fallen trees prevented the other two from
advancing far. German artillery fire constantly pounded the 1st Battalion. The
woods close to the firebreaks were thick with anti-tank and anti-personnel
mines and there was a continued pattering of sniper fire, but soldiers in the
battalion concerned themselves more with the artillery fire than with the mines
and small arms fire.
Obviously concerned about the heavy casualties, Lanham stopped the 1st
Battalion attack at 1240 and limited the 2d Battalion's attack to the west side
of Road X (Weisser Weh, a north south road the 22d had to cross) The 1st
Battalion reached its objective on Hill 208 at 1310 hours and began digging in.
The distance between the Germans and American was so close that Major Goforth's
attempts to pull one company back from the front lines and into reserve failed.
After talking with General Barton, the 4th Infantry Division Commander, Lanham
ordered the 2d Battalion to continue its attack, and although the attack kicked
off at 1500, the White Battalion (code name for 2d) could not cross the road.
In the regiment's rear area, the Germans kept up a heavy artillery fire on all
trails and firebreaks, causing breakdowns in wire and radio communications
between the regimental headquarters and the forward battalions. The German fire
repeatedly cut the telephone wires and destroyed the radios.
The 3d Battalion, in reserve covering the rear against German infiltration, had
no direct contact with the enemy, but nevertheless suffered heavy casualties
from artillery. The battalion commander, Lieutenant Colonel Arthur Teague, the
last remaining infantry battalion commander in the division who had landed as a
battalion commander on the Normandy beaches, and a large part of his staff
became casualties within three minutes of the 1st Battalion Commander's death.
The artillery did not let up and later that morning, Major James Kemp, the new
3d Battalion Commander radioed his position was "hot as hell".
Casualties for the day were heavy, especially among the leadership. Not only
had the regiment lost two of its three battalion commanders, but company
commanders, platoon leaders, and squad leaders fell in alarming numbers.
Reported to regiment as killed, wounded and missing were two officers and 104
enlisted men. Actual losses were ten officers and 129 enlisted. The regiment
received 148 replacements that night from the 92d Replacement battalion, most
of whom had been wounded in the regiment's earlier campaigns and were returning
from hospital. They stayed at the regimental service company overnight and went
forward to the battalions the next day.
The 22d captured forty-two Germans on 17 November. Many of these captives said
they were under orders to fight to the last man. They also reported the
American artillery had not caused many casualties, but its amount and duration
demoralized them by keeping them in their bunkers and preventing them from
getting food or evacuating their wounded.
From Paschendale with Treebursts
If anyone would like information on the German formations the 22d Faced in the
Hurtgen, I can also post. The data comes primarily from prisoner of war reports
and intellegence analysis. Plus a few German diaries. Gives a much different
perspective than what we've read after the war. (I find it similiar to the myth
of the South histories published in the 1870-1900)
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Subject: 22d Inf in the Hurtgen 18 Nov
22d Infantry in the Hurtgen 18 November 1944
Colonel Lanham planned on the eighteenth to renew the attack to the east.
Hoping to mislead the enemy into expecting the attack to continue to the
northeast, he had Baker Company plus artillery engage the Germans on Hill 210,
while Able and Charlie Companies maneuvered to the east. They crossed both the
Weisser Weh Road (Road W) and Stream and reached the high ground 500 yards
beyond. The soldiers waded across the knee-deep water, almost all of them
getting soaked. In an after action interview conducted with Able Company in
December 1944, Private First Class John L. Page, squad leader and later platoon
leader 2d platoon, commented,
"I never dried out, and neither did most of the rest of us for the next
two weeks. The heavy mud caused most of the boys to throw away their galoshes
and the constant rain and sleet made us that much colder and wetter. Not so bad
when you keep moving during the day, but not so nice when you sleep with your
sopped shoes on in a foxhole which leaks."
The miserable weather certainly affected morale adversely and probably also
reduced combat effectiveness.
Lanham's feint was successful. The 1st Battalion suffered few casualties
advancing to the high ground. Once there, the companies dug in. Just before
dark, a 120mm mortar round struck the Charlie Company command post, wounding
Captain Edward W. Martin and most of his headquarters platoon soldiers. To
protect the northern flank and main supply route of the regiment, the 3d
Battalion moved up and occupied the positions vacated earlier by the 1st
Battalion. Although still not in direct enemy contact, the 3d Battalion continued
to lose soldiers to enemy shelling. Lieutenant William Cook, Love Company
Commander, was wounded as his company occupied positions south of Rabenheck.
Farther south, the 2d Battalion had much more trouble. The Germans, from their
positions on the hill east of Road W, watched the advance and, as the assault
companies neared the road, placed artillery fire on the entire battalion. The
units following the assault companies suffered heavy casualties. The initial
losses included Lieutenant Colonel Walker and most of the battalion staff.
Then, in quick succession, Major Joseph Samuels, thet forward to assume
command.
The 2d Battalion companies had problems crossing Road W. Easy Company
encountered an extensive anti-personnel mine field west of the road. While
maneuvering around the mine field, the company strayed off course and lost
contact with both George Company and the battalion headquarters. Fox Company,
the battalion reserve, covered the regiment's southern flank. Heavily hit, the
company lost all but one of its officers and many of its soldiers. The German
fire shifted to George Company, the right flank assault company, which also
sustained heavy casualties. Failing to cross in the south, Lieutenant Twomey
moved his company north and crossed the road behind Easy. The soldiers then
climbed to the crest of the overlooking hills on the east side and dug in.
When the regiment halted its attack for the day, the 1st Battalion was north of
Road X and the 2d Battalion was dug in on Hills 124 and 126 located south of
thent to the north and the 12th Infantry Regiment to the south, were each about
a mile and a half from the 22d, with only a cavalry troop screening the forest
to the north. Three days of fighting had seen less than a square mile of the
German defenses overrun and the main supply road for the 22d, (Road W) remained
in enemy hands.
The night of 18 November the regiment reported 13 officer and 150 enlisted
casualties to division headquarters. Actual battle casualties were 9 officer
and 137 enlisted men. The 22d suffered 331 actual battle casualties in the
first three days. If one includes non-battle casualties, the total was over
400. The casualties among officers were particularly high. In three days, the
22d had lost to enemy fire all three battalion commanders, a battalion
executive officer, almost the entire 2d Battalion staff, large parts of the
other two battalion staffs, and many of the company officers. Many of the
soldiers felt better being with the assault elements than following. PFC Elton
K. Fisher, a rifleman in Able Company, commented, "I'd rather lead with an
assault platoon any day than wait and have to wade througurgency in getting the
trails open, the attached engineers removed many mines while under artillery
fire. As long as the roads were blocked, the path to get supplies in and
casualties out followed a line of white engineer tape extending 3000 yards,
with nearly the entire route through the woods. During each trip, members of
the supply parties climbed two steep slopes and forded two icy streams, one of
them chest deep, carrying loads of over 100 pounds each. The soldiers in the
battalion support platoons could not keep up with the heavy demand, forcing
commanders to take soldiers from the firing line in the rifle companies and
replacements to form carrying parties to resupply the forward units.
The first days of combat had been an infantryman's fight. The densely wooded
terrain, mud, and slopes restricted the tanks and tank destroyers to the roads,
and as long as the roads remained mined, the armor could not move forward to
assist the infantry.
On 18 November, the remainder of Charlie Company 4th Engineers joined the one
platoon already attached to the 22d; but even with the additional engineers,
the mine clearing proceeded slowly. In many places, the engineers found one
mine placed on top of another and fitted them with anti-lifting devices. These
mixed with artillery fire scattered the working parties.
From Paschendale with Treebursts
22d Infantry in the Hurtgen Forest, 19 November 1944
Lanham worried about the 22d's forward units becoming isolated. To counter this
risk, he directed each battalion establish a 360 degree defensive perimeter and
attempted to move a two day supply of food and ammunition up to each battalion
position. Higher headquarters also became concerned. At 0700 hours on 19
November, General Barton authorized Lanham to stop the regiment's attack for
the day. Knowing time and lives were being lost in the woods, Lanham tried to
continue with the advance, but the companies scheduled to lead were too
disorganized. By 1200, none of his units had moved for one reason or another
and realizing they wouldn't, again talked with General Barton. Barton ordered
the attack halted, and the regiment reorganized and resupplied. To ease the
supply situation he directed the 22d clear Road W to its northern boundary with
the 8th Regiment, and the 12th Infantry to clear the area between it and the
22d.
Although there was no regimental attack on 19 November, fighting continued.
Even the regimental command post was not immune from attack. Lieutenant Robert
Mitchell, the Regimental Headquarters Commandant, was killed when bypassed
Germans attacked the regimental command post. Getting the call for help, King
Company attacked the enemy position near the command post, but couldn't destroy
it. Item Company attempted to alleviate the supply situation when it cleared
Road W to the regiment's northern boundary. The 2d Battalion got a new
battalion commander, Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Kenan, who had been the
regimental operations officer in Normandy until he was wounded, and Major
Blazzard again became the regimental intelligence officer. Infantrymen dug
foxholes deeper and hand-carried supplies up to the front lines. The engineers
continued clearing mines and repairing the roads and trails.
The forest made it hard to control the maneuvering units, and leaders could not
account for all of their soldiers. Although the regiment did not attack on the
nineteenth, the regiment continued to suffer heavy casualties from German
artillery fire. Losses reported for the day totaled 109. Actual casualties were
14 officers and 72 enlisted. Many of the casualties reported were soldiers
killed or wounded in the previous days' fighting and not yet reported
From Paschendale with Treebursts
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Subject: 22d Infantry Hurtgen 20 Nov 44
The 22d Infantry in the Hurtgen Forest 20 November 1944
On the morning of the twentieth, the 1st and 2d Battalions renewed the attack
eastward. The 1st quickly advanced 600 yards to a point just west of the
junction of Roads X and Y. The soldiers now used a different assault technique
from the one they had used attacking across France. The soldiers moved in an
open formation about five yards apart, reducing the likelihood that one shell
would get more than a one soldier, and rather than stalking snipers or crawling
up on machine-guns, the men listened for the whistle of incoming rounds. As one
soldier put it, it was, ". . . a grim game of musical chairs, with
everyone tensely watching for a possible location to dive while they had one
ear cocked to the sound of the shells."
The 2d Battalion again took the majority of the regiment's casualties. The battalion's
assault ran head on into a German tank-supported attack beginning at the same
time. George Company, located on the exposed southern flank, was caught in the
open as it began its advance and was pinned down in a crossfire of German
machine guns and snipers in addition to heavy artillery shelling. Every officer
and half the enlisted soldiers were killed or wounded. Lieutenant Twomey, who
had ably led the company in the first days, was killed. The remnants fell back
to the line of departure, too disorganized to continue the attack.
Easy Company, with secure flanks, advanced the 200 yards to its objective.
Captain Newcomb discovered George Company officerless and sent one of his
officers to take command. Before the end of the day this officer also lay dead,
but not before he had collected about twenty-five of the survivors of George
Company and reorganized them on their original position. Artillery hit the 2d
Battalion command post again and wounded all of the staff officers. Only the
Lieutenant Colonel Kenan and a half dozen communications men remained
unwounded.
The 2d Battalion was now down to the strength of a company. Fewer than 150
soldiers remained in the front lines along with only six, while King Company
continued to engage the bypassed strong point near the regimental command post.
Patrols from Love Company combed the rear areas and searched for an enemy
artillery observation post thought hidden behind American lines near the
bridge. The German artillery fire was too accurate to be unobserved. Toward the
end of the day, Lanham sent the remainder of Love to protect the 2d Battalion's
southern flank.
The 22d Infantry reported 8 officers and 195 enlisted as casualties for 20
November. Actual casualties were 5 officers and 126 enlisted; a high price to
pay for an extremely small gain. That night two hundred and six enlisted and
one officer replacement joined the regiment. The regiment was virtually without
reserves, unsupported on either flank and dangerously exposed to counterattack.
It was becoming standard practice for the Germans to launch counterattacks
against both flanks as soon as the 22d's battalions stopped their advance.
The regiment's supply situation by the end of the twentieth remained only
partly solved. The engineers opened the firebreak captured by the 1st Battalion
to jeep traffic, but shortly thereafter it became almost unusable due to axle
deep mud, and mines buried on the shoulders of the break prevented vehicles
from bypassing. The regiment's wounded and supplies continued to be
hand-carried from the Weisser Weh Creek, now anywhere feam where it was
assembled in waist and neck deep icy water. Mines continued to close the main
supply route (Road X), and their removal went slowly.
With the access routes to the front blocked, American tanks and anti-tank guns
were unable to support the regiment's infantry, who faced enemy tanks not
operating under the same restrictions. The Germans armor was being used either
singly or in small packets as support weapons for the infantry, and the numerous
counterattacks usually were built around one or two tanks or assault guns.
Taken from Paschendale with Treebursts
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Subject: 22d Inf Hurtgen Forest 21 November 44
On 21 November, General Barton called a pause to the attack to again give time
to rectify the logistics and casualty evacuation difficulties, and clear up
bypassed German pockets of resistance. He directed the next twenty-four hours
be used to consolidate and open adequate supply routes.
There was no change in the front lines, but the 3d Battalion again was involved
in clearing operations in the regiment's rear. Near the regimental command
post, King Company, supported by tanks and a tank destroyer, attacked and
finally eliminated the stubborn enemy strong point which had been holding out
for three days. The regiment opened Road X as a supply route when Item Company,
reinforced with tanks and tank destroyers, met Company L 8th Infantry on the regiment's
northern boundary. The 1st and 2d Battalions remained in place and reorganized
their fighting elements. Engineers cleared Road X of mines up to and 200 yards
past the bridge over the Weisser Weh.
The 22d listed in its journal 306 casualties for the twenty-first. This figure
was the second highest for any day during the entire battle, even though there
was no attack. Actual battle casualties were two officers and fifty enlisted.
Again, most of those reported on 21 November fell earlier and were not earlier
missed. Parties of soldiers scoured the woods for the regiment's dead and
wounded. Technician 5th Grade George Morgan, an armor artificer who spent most
of his time in the Hurtgen finding bodies commented, "You can't get all
the dead because you can't find them, and they stay there to remind the guys
advancing as to what might hit them."
Counting the earlier days' casualties, more than 700 men were lost in four and
a half days of fighting. These 700 represented more than 40 percent of the
regiment's combat strength in the rifle companies. Replacements were arriving
for the enlisted, but few officer replacements were available. One hundred and
fifty-nine replacements reached the battalions, but only the 3d Battalion
returned to near full strength. Lacking almost 300 soldiers and 40 officers,
the regiment had significant shortages at the rifle company level. At this
point high the casualties in the 1st and 2d Battalions had dramatically reduced
the small group cohesion S. L. A. Marshall claims is essential for a unit to
fight effectively.
From Paschendale with Treebursts
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Subject: 22d Inf Hurtgen 22 Nov 44
The 22d Infantry in the Hurtgen Forest 22 November 1944
On 22 November, Colonel Lanham again used deception with good success. He had
the 1st Battalion, along with two battalions of artillery, engage the Germans
just north of Road X, while the full strength 3d Battalion, with companies in
column in the order King, Love, and Item, swung around the 1st Battalion's left
flank. The 3d Battalion moved several hundred yards up the Schiefersiefen Creek
to the head of the draw, where it turned south and passed behind the enemy
facing the 1st Battalion, in the process capturing an anti-aircraft gun and two
88mm anti-tank guns. Although the 3d accomplished this maneuver without ever
making serious contact with the enemy, artillery fire killed the King Company
Commander, Captain Charles Whaley and caused his company to lose contact with
the battalion. Losing control of the leading company made Major Kemp hesitatant
about continuing to the road junction, and he moved forward only after being
prodded by the regimental commander. When the 3d Battalion reached the junction
of Roads V and X 600 yards west of Grosshau, the battalion halted aand
established an all-around defensive perimeter. The 1st Battalion feint was not
without cost, for the Germans replied to the 1st Battalion fire with a violent
artillery barrage and inflicted heavy casualties even though the soldiers
remained in their foxholes.
On the southern flank, the badly depleted 2d Battalion advanced the first 600
yards against light opposition. The leading companies, Easy and Fox, faced
little resistance until they crossed a road about six hundred past the line of
departure. This initial success was probably due to the 1st Battalion's feint
and the attack against the town of Hurtgen by the 5th Armored Division two
miles farther south. At the face of Hill 119 the companies ran into a series of
German dugouts and two dug-in self propelled guns and spent the rest of the day
fighting their way through them.
The soldiers in the 2d Battalion not only bordered on exhaustion but, by now,
consisted primarily of replacements. Small numbers and an almost complete
disruption of normal organization exacerbated this situation. Squad leaders
commanded the remnants of platoons. A private in Easy Company led a platoon
consisting of six soldiers. Easy Company's weapons platoon was so short of men
that Sergeant Picerello, one of the squad leaders, carried the company radio, a
60mm mortar and a bag of ammunition. Lieutenant Lloyd acted not only as platoon
leader, but also as radio operator and artillery observer. To compound the
problems, just before the attack the battalion received new replacements loaded
down with extra equipment and clothing. The 2d Battalion continued to press
forward without the small group cohesion SLA Marshall claimed was essential to
combat effectiveness.
The 2d Battalion suffered heavy casualties as the attack ground slowly forward
throughout the day. Small pockets of resistance repeatedly held up the advance.
The shortage of leaders made it hard to get the soldiers off the ground when
they came under fire. Casualties were so high the battalion called for
"aid jeeps, anything that rolls. Send them directly up to the aid
station." Two of the three officers in Fox Company fell during the attack.
Easy Company finished the day with twenty-five combat soldiers.
By nightfall Easy and Fox Companies held a line between roads X and Y a mile
west of Kleinhau. The remnants of George Company, in echelon to the right rear
to protect the regiments southern flank, again encountered enemy tanks
sortieing from Kleinhau and did not advance at all. To strengthen his southern
flank, Lieutenant Colonel Kenan asked for and received one hundred replacements
just arrived from the replacement battalion. He reported that since many of the
replacements had seen previous combat with the regiment, he sent them as a
group to help cover the southern sector. Later in the evening, Baker Company
1st Battalion, moved in to protect George Company's right flank and take over
guarding the regiments southern flank.
The regiment reported 167 casualties to division, but most alarming was the
growing number of non-battle casualties (battle fatigue, trench foot, etc.)
which had increased to forty-nine for the day. Later recorded battle casualties
were two officers and ninety-nine enlisted. But many dead still littered the
battlefield.
Because of the cumulative strain of the battle on soldiers, organization, and
communications, General Barton slowed down the pace of the attack. He directed
the 22d to consolidate its positions on the twenty-third and clear Germans from
the rear areas. General Barton also ordered the regiment to seize four key
trail and road junctions a short distance from the front lines. He hoped the
pause would give the 12th Infantry time to advance on the division right and
finally take the enemy pressure off the 22d's long exposed southern flank.
From Paschendale with Treebursts
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Subject: 22d in Hurtgen 23-24 November 1944
The Twenty Second in the Hurtgen Forest, 23-24 November 1944
The 2d and 3d Battalions moved forward a few hundred yards on the twenty-third
and secured the road junctions just in front of them. Road X was partially
opened to the 3d Battalion and a platooon of tanks went forward to support the
infantry. The Germans shelled the battalions, and the casualties continued to
mount. The regimental journal noted 270 casualties for the day. The final
report listed 3 officer and 165 enlisted casualties.
November twenty-third was Thanksgiving Day. The soldiers in the front lines ate
hot turkey sandwiches--the only hot meal they received during the entire
battle. Veterans of Baker Company, when interviewed in December 1944,
remembered the radio message informing them turkey was waiting for pick-up at
battalion headquarters, "Believing this to be a code word for something
else, a small detail was sent out to find out the score." The men of got
their turkey but could not eat until later because heavy artillery barrages
kept them in their holes.
Four hundred and fifty-three replacements, including thirty-one officers,
arrived on 23 and 24 November. They brought the regiment back to near full
strength. Most of the replacements went to the 2d Battalion. In a message to
General Barton, Lanham said that "White [2d Bn] is looking good now and
would soon take out cooks and KPs etc., that White has been using on the
line." There remained, however, a shortage of twenty officers and 125 men.
Within the regiment, every battalion had lost its battalion commander and two
of the three rifle company commanders and the fighting condition of the
battalions varied dramatically. The 1st Battalion consisted of about 50 percent
replacements. The 2d Battalion consisted of 70 to 80 percent new replacements,
many of whom had never participated in an attack, and remained considerably
under strength. The 3d Battalion's casualties were still relatively few,
although a heavy toll of leaders had been taken. The battalion was almost at
full strength with only about 20 percent replacements in its ranks.
Nevertheless, the 3d Battalion was not a fresh unit. Its soldiers had also been
living, working, digging, patrolling, skirmishing, and dying for nine days in
the Hurtgen Forest.
According to the 3d Battalion Operations Officer, some of the replacements were
not up to the task. Recounting one instance when the replacements were moving
forward with supplies, he said that,
. . . artillery shells soon began landing where they were and these
replacements (a few of these men had been in prison back in the states and had
been offered their freedom if they would volunteer to fight), scattered like
the wind. It took some time to reassemble them."
On the afternoon of 23 November the division operations officer notified the
22d the offensive would not resume until the twenty-fifth and the units would
use the next day to complete their reorganization. Major Goforth, the 1st
Battalion Commander, disliked the delay "because it causes battle
fatigue." The main supply route opened on 24 November and tanks and tank
destroyers were able to travel to the front lines. Colonel Lanham again planned
to surprise the Germans. If surprise failed, the success of the attack would
depend on the infantry and armor working together. Captain Clifford Henley wrote
in his diary, "Still in the woods, hoping to come out tomorrow and run the
Krauts crazy with our armor."
From Paschendale with Treebursts
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Subject: 22d in the Hurtgen 25 Nov 44
22d Infantry in the Hurtgen Forest 25 November 1944
The 22d's objective on 25 November was Grosshau. Lanham's plan called for a
combined attack of the 2d and 3d Battalions to take the village from two
directions. The 3d Battalion would cut through the woods to the ridge north of
Grosshau and assault the town from that direction, while the 2d Battalion was
to make a secondary attack to the edge of the wooods sowthwest of Grosshau.
From its new location the battalion could place direct fire on both Grosshau
and Kleinhau. Each battalion was give a company of tanks in support. The 1st
Battalion was ordered to occupy the 3d Battalion's old position west of
Grosshau to cover the regiment's left rear.
Problems began with the supporting attack as soon as the 2d Battalion began its
move. The trail so recently constructed by the engineers could not accomodate
tanks and an alternate route had to be found. Someone found another trail but
it entailed winching the tanks across a large crater, eating up more time. The
battalion attacked without the tanks, with Easy on the left and Fox on the
right. Resistance was light, but casualties still occurred. Germans bypassed by
the assault companies killed the battalion executive officer, Captain Eggleston.
The new officers and men made many mistakes which caused unnecessarily high
casualties even against the light resistance. By 1030 hours, however, the
battalion was at the edge of the woodline, about 600 yards to the southwest of
Grosshau.
The 3d Battalion also met little initial opposition as it moved through the
woods. King Company was on the left and Love was on the right. The battalion's
unexpected attack swept rapidly to the edge of the woods northeast of Grosshau,
capturing some Germans and bypassing others who surrendered later. Item Company
captured Foresthaus Grosshau. By 0845 hours the battalion was in position along
the edge of the woods. All indications received pointed to Grosshau being
lightly defended, and Major Kemp assumed a coordinated attack on the village
using armor and infantry would capture it quickly.
Unfortunately, getting the armor up through the minefields and mud to the
infantry took four hours, delaying the attack until 1330 hours. Then
coordination failed when the assault began, and only three tanks and one tank
destroyer left the woods with the infantry. As the tanks emerged from the edge
of the woods, German anti-tank fire destroyed all three. The tank destroyer
pulled back into the woods. Three more tanks 300 yard back in the woods were
then destroyed by anti-tank fire. The infantry in Love and King Companies were
hit as soon as they left the woods by a massive artillery barrage and forced
back. For three hours German artillery rained on the battalikon and artillery
bursts cut down almost every tree in the area. The concentrations were so heavy
and accurate that at on of the 3d Battalion's positions, eight of eleven
scattered foxholes sustained direct hits, and fragments struck the other three.
The Item Company Commander, Lieutenant William Lee was wounded. At about 1500
hours, Kemp called off the attack. Although Grosshau did not fall, 101 Germans
were captured and two of the 22d's battalions were on the edge of the woods.
That night the regiment reported to the division personnel officer (G1) it had
sustained 235 casualties, most from the 3d battalion. More leaders fell on the
twenty-fifth than any other day in the battle. Actual casualties, 11 officers,
46 NCOs and 152 other ranks. In one day the Germans had reduced the 3d
Battalion to the same condition as the 1st and 2d. The regiment had nothing
left.
At this point few if any squads in the regiment had more than one or two
soldiers in it who had been together for any length of time. In SLA Marshall's
estimate, this lack of cohesive buddy teams should have precluded any further
advance, continue it did.
Taken from Paschendale with Treebursts
Eight Days Remaining
==============================
Subject: 22d in Hurtgen 25 Nov Cont
Sorry, I left off part of the 25th of November post
22d in the Hurtgen 25 November Continued
When word came down from 4th Division Headquarters to prepare to continue the
assault the following day, Lanham told Lieutenant Colonel Delaney he would wait
for a direct order from General Barton. Henley wrote the "Men are tired
and sleepy and their nerves are about shot. Too much of anything is too
much." Lanham, after hearing much the same thing from the 1st Battalion
commander, agreed and said,
"The general knows it too, but nothing can be done about it. The general
has tried in higher echelons but it's just we or the Krauts . . . There is no
relief in sight except in defeating the Krauts."
In his nightly report to the division, Lanham downgraded the efficiency of the
regiment from "very good" to "good" because of regiment's
continued loss of leaders. That night the regiment received 295 replacements to
reload the ranks.
Because of the poor condition of the 22d, General Barton notified Lanham at
2130 hours on 25 November no attack on Grosshau would occur on the
twenty-sixth. He also told Lanham to begin considering a night attack to take
the village. Barton committed nine battalions of artillery, ranging from 105mm
to 240mm (108 pieces of artillery total) plus mortars to shell the Germans in
Grosshau. He wanted Lanham's regiment to improve positions and wait for the
12th Infantry Regiment and 5th Armor Division (V Corps) to come on line in the
south before trying again.
From Paschendale with treebursts
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Subject: 22d Inf in the Hurtgen 26 Nov 44
The 22d Infantry in the Hurtgen Forest 26 November 1944
The regiment's disposition on 26 November looked like a horseshoe with the open
end facing Grosshau, 3d Battalion in the north, 1st at the base and 2d in the
south. A 500 yard gap, enough room for one company, separated the 2d and 3d
Battalions and Lanham wanted the 1st Battalion to conduct a limited attack and
straighten the center. So on the morning of the twenty-sixth, Company Charlie,
consisting of mostly replacements, one veteran officer and less than a half
dozen NCOs, attacked along both sides of Road X towards a point just short of
the western edge of Grosshau.
This attack had problems from the outset. German artillery fire landing on the
company's line of departure delayed the jump off time. The attack started with
one squad leading each of the two assault platoons until the company began to
cross an opening in the woods about 150 yards wide. All semblance of the attack
formation was lost when artillery started dropping in the clearing. Private
Forest Casteel, one of the new replacements commented,
"The artillery was worse that I ever want to see; one hit two feet in
front of my hole and broke my rifle butt-plate and ripped my cartridge belt. I
saw others who weren't so lucky. It was the first taste of battle for a huge
number of us, and I guess that one day of that is worth an entire shift of
basic training."
The training the replacements received in the United States had been no
preparation for hell they encountered in the Hurtgen Forest.
Continuing to move forward, the soldiers overran a German position of about
fifty soldiers and killed about twenty more. The company was both disorganized
and smaller when it got to its objective. In position for only an hour, the
members of Charlie Company began receiving artillery fire, direct fire from
enemy machine gunners who had infiltrated the company's rear, and shells from a
Mark IV tank holed up in a building on the edge of Grosshau not more than
seventy-five yards away. When it looked like they were in danger of being
overrun by German infantry the men beat a hasty retreat to their original line
of departure. The company commander, Lieutenant Frederick Sweeny, was the last
man out and carried the two remaining wounded men. By the day's end, Charlie
Company had an effective strength of approximately twenty officers and men.
The regiment reported to the division personnel officer (G1) 135 soldiers
killed, wounded, or missing, but no replacements were available for assignment
to the 22d. All of the division's infantry replacements went to either the 8th
or 12th Infantry. If there were problems with American organization, as Van
Creveld maintains (discussed later in detail in Chapter Four), on the
twenty-sixth of November, the 22d should have become ineffective.
From Paschendale with Treebursts
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Subject: 22d in the Hurtgen 27 Nov 44
22d Infantry in the Hurtgen Forest 27 November 1944
On the twenty-seventh, Lanham again ordered the 1st Battalion to close the gap
between the 2d and 3d Battalions. Nothing had changed from the day before.
There still was only enough room to commit one company. This time Baker Company
received the mission.
Halfway to the objective, Baker Company's attack was stopped by German
machine-gun crossfire and artillery when it attempted to cross the open ground.
Casualties were heavy with the company losing fifty-four out of seventy-nine
soldiers, including the Lieutenant Donald Dickenson, the company commander, and
two other officers. Seventeen of the eighteen men in the 1st Platoon were
killed or wounded. The 2d Platoon tried to cross the same open ground and
received almost the same treatment, with only twelve coming back. The desperate
fighting stopped only when a German medic helped carry a wounded American back
into the American lines. The company reorganized and tried again with the
remaining thirty soldiers.
The advance resumed when Marcario Garcia, a Private First Class squad leader
who began the battle as a scout, single handedly destroyed one machinegun
holding up his company. After being wounded by another machinegun, he went back
into the woods and destroyed it gun also. The army later recognized his bravery
with the Medal of Honor. The remaining soldiers of the company moved forward to
the neck of woods located just west of Grosshau, and dug in.
With Baker Company battling for its life, Lanham directed the 2d Battalion to
attack north against the flank of the resistance holding up the company.
Lieutenant Colonel Kenan ordered Easy Company, a quarter of a mile south of
Baker Company, to hurry to the assistance of the beleaguered company. Easy's
company commander, Captain Donald Faulkner, left his company headquarters and
weapons platoon to hold the company's original position, and he and his three
rifle platoons, totaling about three officers and forty-five men, ran north to
the road. In his diary, he wrote,
"We moved out at the double and down into a stream draw. I thought
"this is a natural spot for a mortar concentration," and either the
Kraut's had mental telepathy or good observation, for immediately a heavy
mortar concentration swished in through the trees, smack dab on top of the
command group. My runner, carrier, was injured at my side and Peters was killed
next to me. We kept going and came in on the run to a picture of real
carnage--arms, equipment, dead and wounded, Jerrys and GIs strewn all through
the woods. Blasted trees, gaping shell holes, and the acrid smell and smoke of
small arms and mortar fire completed the terr. Company B remnants--2
lieutenants and 15 to 20 enlisted. . . . This was no picnic."
The two companies in this attack totaled about seventy soldiers, less than two
full-strength platoons. Although desperately undermanned, they continued to
move forward until it became impossible.
It appeared likely Baker and Easy Companies would be counterattacked like
Charlie Company had been the day before. Lanham ordered the ground held at all
cost. The regiment and battalion headquarters made every effort to get armor
and anti-tank guns forward, but the tank and tank destroyer crews were
unwilling to move forward because they thought the road was not clear of mines.
To prove the road clear, Lieutenant William Jourdan from the regiment's
Anti-Tank Company single-handedly drove a halftrack up to the front line
pulling an anti-tank gun. Embarrassed by Jourdan, four tanks and two tank
destroyers then followed and took their place in the woods. After eleven days
in the forest, the 22d had established a continuous front at the edge of the
forest facing Grosshau, the regiment's second-day objective.
Although the 1st Battalion had conducted the main attacks on 26 and 27
November, the other two battalions, especially the 3d Battalion in the north,
continued to suffer heavy casualties from artillery. Because of the reduced
strength in all of his regiments, General Barton shortened the regimental
sectors, leaving 22d with a sector only 1200 yards wide.
The 22d's losses were again heavy considering the modest gain. One hundred and
fifty-two soldiers were reported killed, wounded or missing on the
twenty-seventh. Actual casualties for 26 and 27 November amounted to 13
officers and 239 enlisted, or the equivalent of three of the companies
currently fighting in the forest. The division personnel officer (G1) sent 220
replacements to the regiment during the night. Easy Company for the first time
moved replacements to the front without suffering a single casualty. The 1st
Battalion was not so fortunate and reported almost half of the replacements
sent forward during the day as casualties. Captain William Surratt, the Able
Company Commander, was evacuated when a 120mm mortar round landed beside his
foxhole. By 27 November, more than half the soldiers in the regiment had
fallen; in fact almost as many replacements (1640) had arrived as there were
soldiers in all the rifle companies at full strength. (1737)
The terrible beating Lanham's soldiers were taking must have weighed heavily on
his mind. When the VII Corps Commander, Major General J. Lawton Collins,
visited the 22d Command Post on the twenty-seventh, he asked Lanham how many
days of fight the regiment had left in it. Lanham replied "About three, if
they are very rough days" Later in the day when talking with Colonel
Chance of the 12th Infantry, Lanham expressed reservations about his regiment's
chances of success in attacking Grosshau:
"We haven't enough stuff to take Hill 90. . . . We are on edge of
Grosshau. . . . Don't know how far we will get as enemy is looking down our
throats from all angles."
Lanham's comments to General Barton were of the same vein:
Blue [3d Bn] is battered pretty badly. . . . [Lanham] Believe that Blue's
effectiveness will cease after an hour and a half--getting shelled too
heavily--the town isn't anything. If we get the town we will get beaten to
death.
Lanham was clearly attempting to forestall the attack on Grosshau.
The 22d awaited the order to attack Grosshau, but it did not come. However,
everyone assumed that when the 12th Infantry came abreast on the left and the
5th Armored Division took Kleinhau, General Barton would order Grosshau taken.
North of Grosshau lay a ridgeline dominated by Hill 90, where German units were
able to both look down into the 22d's sector and cover Grosshau and its western
approaches. From this hill the 1st and 3d Battalions lived under continual
observation and fire. Lanham dreaded the order because a crossfire from the
village and the hill would decimate any unit attacking Grosshau from the north,
just as a crossfire had ripped the 3d Battalion on 25 November.
From Paschendale with Treebursts,
==============================
Subject: 22d in Hurtgen 28 Nov 44
22d In the Hurtgen Forest 28 November 1944
Colonel Chance informed Lanham on 27 November his 12th Infantry would take Hill
90 the twenty-eighth. Major Kemp, commanding 3d Battalion 22d Infantry, had the
same idea. He knew his battalion would eventually be required to take either
Grosshau or the woods east of the village. In the words of his operations
officer, Lieutenant George Bridgeman , "He didn't want the Krauts looking
right over his left shoulder." Kemp was not aware the 12th was going to
take the hill, so, when he sent platoons from Item and King Companies to secure
the hill, they met A Company 12th Infantry on the crest. When the platoons
attacked the hill, they found the resistance extremely light in comparison to
that previously encountered. There was some small arms fire, but the regiment's
periodic report states there was "not the accustomed artillery and mortar
fire."
In the 1st Battalion sector, preparations continued for the attack on Grosshau.
The battalion was close enough to German lines that exchanges of American
wounded could take place. Major Goforth told Lanham, "The Krauts in town
have orders to stay to the last man." He listed the strength of his
companies as: "B Company about 38 enlisted and 3 officers, E Company the
same, and Charlie Company, 56." Lanham then told Goforth that there were
only twenty-five riflemen in any of the companies not in contact. Later in the
day, three soldiers from the Anti-Tank Company rescued five engineers who had
walked up the road into Grosshau while clearing mines.
The soldiers of the regiment had been in the forest for twelve days. Their
miserable existence consisted of rain dripping through the trees, never-ending
mud, never getting dry, never getting warm, no hot food, not enough sleep, and
laying at night shivering, wrapped in raincoats in foxholes filled with cold
water. The soldiers were becoming enfeebled even without enemy action.
Trenchfoot, especially in the Second Battalion, was in the words of the
battalion commander "approaching serious proportions." For days on
end, the constant artillery fire kept soldiers close to their water filled
holes.
Casualties for 28 November were 117, light in comparison to other days. The
regiment received nine replacements. Because of the shortage of riflemen,
Lanham asked his executive officer, Lieutenant Colonel John F. Ruggles Jr. to
check the companies for how many cooks, kps, and supply personel each had.
On the morning of the twenty-eighth, the division commander gave Lanham the
authority to "make officers on the spot" from outstanding
non-commissioned officers (NCOs). The problem was that by this time there were
very few NCOs left to commission.
From Paschendale with Treebursts
==============================
Subject: 22d Inf in the Hurtgen 30 Nov 44
The 22 Infantry in the Hurtgen Forest 30 November
The 22d Regiment's next objective was the wooded area between Grosshau and Gey,
the last bit of the Hurtgen Forest before the Roer plain. Lanham ordered the 2d
and 3d Battalions to attack northeast to the edge of the woods facing Gey. The
1st Battalion remained the regimental reserve and occupied the 3d Battalion's
positions when they moved out. Lanham ordered the 46th Armored Infantry
Battalion, attached temporarily to the 22d Infantry, to attack on the right of
the 2d Battalion 22d Infantry, toward Hill 401.5. This maneuver would close the
gap between the 22d and the 5th Armored Division in Kleinhau. When giving the
orders, Lanham said that he did not believe the battalions' missions were
difficult.
The morning of 30 November, the 3d Battalion began its advance toward the
woodline facing Gey. Love Company was on the left and Item Company was on the
right. Fourteen tanks and tank destroyers supported the attack with eight on
one flank of the battalion and six on the other. The tanks and tank destroyers
on both sides then crossed their fires in front of the advancing infantry. As
the 3d Battalion Narrative relates, this was a
". . . rather ticklish maneuver to make--that is to keep the tanks on both
sides abreast of the infantry--It is remarkable that only once did one of the
tanks get a little behind and accidentally shot four of our men."
The Germans replied to the attack with heavy shelling, but this time focused
mainly on the armor.
The attack was successful. When the 3d Battalion reached the edge of the woods
just above the east-west stretch of the Gey road, the battalion commanded the
open ground south of Gey. At this point, the 1st Battalion moved forward to the
position the 3d Battalion had left northeast of Grosshau.
The 2d Battalion's attack ran into much more difficulty. The battalion had to
advance over 800 yards of open ground east of Grosshau, enter the woods and
continue its attack towards Gey. George Company attacked on the right, Fox
Company on the left, while Easy Company remained in reserve in Grosshau. In the
words of Lieutenant George Wilson, Fox Company Commander, the first 300 yards
reminded him of training exercises conducted in the United States. Then, as Wilson
writes, "the sky fell in and we were in hell." From front and flanks
the Germans had perfect observation of the assault companies as they moved
across the open ground, and kept them under violent and accurate fire with
machine guns, 88's, air-bursts, and heavy caliber artillery. Lieutenant Mason
observed that the German timed fire was the most perfect he had ever seen, with
the shells exploding about thirty or forty feet off the ground. Soldiers moved
forward by jumping from one shell hole to another.
When Fox and George Companies reached the edge of the woods, they had between
them one officer and less than a hundred men. Wilson pulled the remainder of
his company back about 300 yards to a German trench. This move left a net
advance for the day of about 500 yards.
During the 2d Battalion's ordeal in the open field, Major Goforth, commander of
the 1st Battalion, informed Lanham that Baker Company in Grosshau continued to
receive sniper fire from Germans still in the village. Lanham directed the
battalion "not to take any more prisoners from Grosshau."
The 46th Armored Infantry Battalion lost 50 percent of its strength trying to
reach its line of departure on Hill 401.5. The Germans located on the hill
effectively stopped the attack before it started. Instead of assisting the
22d's advance, the units of the 2d Battalion had to swing right to permit the
46th to withdraw. Units became intermingled; George Company's 2d Platoon
strayed into the 46th sector and joined a company of the 46th until 3 December
when the 22d was relieved.
Losses for the day were heavy. The battalions' reported to regimental
headquarters 178 casualties, most of whom had fallen in Fox and George
Companies' attack across the open field. Seven replacements arrived to fill the
ranks. The personnel shortages in the rifle companies caused Lanham to lower
the efficiency of the regiment from "good" to "fair". The
battalion commanders now developed their orders in much greater detail because
so many leaders were new. Battalion commanders began maneuvering the decimated
companies like platoons and the remaining veterans were leading the
replacements from the front, increasing their risk of being killed or wounded
and ultimately decreasing the units' effectiveness.
The soldiers in the rifle companies now faced a new problem, the shortage of
drinking water. Earlier in the battle, soldiers had obtained water from the
Weisser Weh Creek. Now they had to find water in small streams and then carry
it up to the soldiers on the front lines. Private First Class Fern L. Hartman
noted the severity of the crisis and what soldiers did to obtain water:
"We had plenty of rat[ion]s, food and ammunition, but never enough water.
We put raincoats over our holes and tried to catch some of the rain and sleet,
but invariably a shell would come along and splash some mud into what we had
carefully collected."
The use of raincoats to acquire water worked when the soldiers were not moving,
but they certainly must have gone without water for long periods when they were
attacking.
From Paschendale with Treebursts
============================================================================================
Subject: 22d Inf in the Hurtgen 1 Dec 44
The 22d Infantry in the Hurtgen Forest 1 December 1944
22d in the Hurtgen Forest 1 December 1944
Given the 2d Battalion's inability to move forward and tie in with the 3d
Battalion, the regiment found itself facing in two directions. The 3d Battalion
faced north, and the 2d Battalion faced east. A thousand yard gap separated the
two battalions. The 1st Battalion, in reserve, faced the gap but was some
distance back in the old 3d Battalion area. To close the void between the two
battalions, Colonel Lanham ordered the 1st Battalion to tie into the right
flank of the 3d and the 2d Battalion to advance to where Fox Company had
advanced before pulling back.
The 1st Battalion had a dual mission on 1 December. First, it was to attack
southeast across the open ground and then move through the woods to outflank
the Germans holding up the 2d Battalion and the neighboring 46th Armored
Infantry Battalion. With this first phase accomplished, the 1st Battalion would
swing to the left, attack to the northeast, and come abreast the 3d Battalion.
Major Goforth planned an artillery and mortar preparation before the 1st
Battalion's attack, along with a feint from the 2d Battalion and decoy smoke to
the east of the battalion's sector.
The attack started late because, as the battalion reported to regiment,
"we had to brief rookie officers." Favorable winds blew some of the
smoke across the open ground so that it helped screen the 1st Battalion's
movement. The battalion attacked with its companies deployed in column: Charlie
Company leading, then Able, and then Baker. One platoon of tanks supported the
assault company. Once again, the thick woods prevented the tanks from
maneuvering or taking any part in the fighting.
The flank attack evidently surprised the enemy. Charlie Company crossed the
field unseen and overran an enemy battalion headquarters. Following Charlie
Company, Able Company did not fare as well. By the time the company's turn came
to cross the field, the smoke screen had dissapated. Able Company lost 65
percent of its strength crossing the field and the thirty-five remaining
soldiers dug in on the left flank of the battalion.
The 1st made its turn to the northeast early and advanced without much
opposition to the north edge of the woods, but in the process did not clear the
enemy completely from the 2d Battalion's left flank. There, on the right flank
of the 3d Battalion, the 1st established a small semicircular perimeter facing
north, east, and south.
Despite the success of the 1st Battalion's advance, the 2d Battalion still had
to attack to reach its objective which was about 300 yards inside the woods.
The heavy casualties the 2d Battalion had suffered over the course of the
battle made it difficult to accomplish even small tasks. The errors committed
by the replacements caused the casualty rate to keep climbing and accelerated
the deterioration of the battalion's combat power.
By 1 December there were very few experienced infantry officers left in the 2d
Battalion. Qualified NCOs were just as scarce. Officers from other positions
within the regiment as well as fresh replacements attempted to fill the gaps in
the rifle companies' leadership. Newly assigned leaders, unfortunately, had
little or no time to organize their units or even to learn the situation before
they led their soldiers into the attack.
Fox Company had fifty soldiers available for the 1 December assault with most
squads consisting of three to five men. There were two leaders in the company,
both lieutenants, one the company commander and the other a platoon leader
loaned from the battalion heavy weapons company. There were no infantry
sergeants left.
The Company Commander, Lieutenant Wilson, gave the lieutenant all the riflemen,
and instructed him to move 100 yards to the wood line and hold. Lieutenant
Fitzgerald stood up and shouted "come on all you riflemen, let's go."
and about thirty followed. This poorly organized group of soldiers reached the
edge of the woods without opposition, but instead of holding there continued
into the woods, became disoriented, and turned to the south. In a draw outside
the battalion sector, Fitzgerald halted the platoon and had the soldiers begin
entrenching. Just as they began to dig, a small German unit counterattacked
them. Only four of the platoon made it back to the main body of the company.
Wilson had the remainder of his company dig in where they were. Lieutentant
Colonel Kenan reported to Lanham that he had been at the Fox Company Command
Post, and,
". . . that all that is left of company at present is 2 officers and 12
enlisted, the rest are wounded and lost . . . G Company now has 50 men on left
of F Company . . . E Company has 60 men."
The fighting strength of the 2d Battalion consisted of just 124 soldiers, 64
percent of a full strength rifle company.
The 2d Battalion commander, Lieutenant Colonel Kenan, sent Captain Faulkner's
Easy Company to hold the battalion line, established just inside the edge of
the woods, several hundred yards short of the objective.
Faulkner related:
"Late afternoon got a rush order to go to assistance of Company F who were
in a bad counterattack. Sent 1st platoon (14 men under sergeant) over the open
field alone. Saw it pinned down under timed fire, mortar fire and MG fire from
right flank hills. Wish we had smoke. (9 men got through)"
"Received more news of F being attacked by Jerry and is bad. Now dusk,
moved Company at the double long way around through woods and across open.
Flushed some Krauts and passed them back down the company line. Wonder where
those PWs ended up."
"Lieutenant Mason and self ended up lead scouts just to get there. Found F,
Lieutenant Wilson and 15 men left out of 150. Said Lieutenant Fitzgerald was
the hero of the day. F Company moved back at midnight. We made too much noise
cutting trees for our holes and some replacement shouted "timber". We
got a mortar barrage for it and more casualties."
Captain Faulkner and his executive officer acted as scouts to get Easy Company
into the battle because the majority of the company was made up of
inexperienced replacements.
Lanham probably realized that his regiment was but a very thin shell of its
former self, liable to break at any moment. Only eleven tanks and five tank
destroyers remained in the two tank and one tank destroyers company attached to
the 22d. The regiment suffered 132 reported casualties and received 89
replacements. Fox Company's debacle was another indication of the condition of
the regiment. Concerned that the Germans would learn the condition of his
regiment when they interrogated the American prisoners captured on 1 December,
Lanham worried that a major counterattack would take back what his regiment had
gained with blood.
In a conversation with the commanding generals of the 4th Infantry and 5th
Armor, Lanham broached the subject of postponing the attack scheduled to
continue on 2 December. The 5th Armor commander wanted to continue because
"it will be better to attack tomorrow than to sit still and take
losses." Although not recorded, the 4th Division commander, General
Barton, apparently agreed to attempt to get the corps commander to delay the
attack.
Later that night, Lanham called Barton to see if the corps commander had made a
decision about the attack. Barton replied that he was waiting for an answer but
ordered Lanham to proceed with the plan until he learned otherwise. The general
closed by saying, "He is sure S6 [Lanham] can do his part because he has
already done the impossible." Later, after Lanham had told him that
"in order to do this thing tomorrow he has scraped the bottom of the
barrel," Barton replied:
"The outstanding performance since D-Day has been by the 22d Infantry. G6
[General Barton] said that "General Collins told him the 22d Infantry has
been fighting a wonderful fight under severe handicaps."
At 2150 hours, Lanham received the message, "The plan of attack as ordered
previously will go as ordered."
While Lanham attempted to get his higher headquarters to understand the plight
of his regiment, his subordinates tried to tell him the same. The entry in the
staff journal prompted by Major Goforth's call telling Lanham that the 1st
Battalion was in bad shape was,
"Red [1st Bn] did a wonderful job today and he knows they are in bad
shape. S6 [Lanham] said that White [2d Bn] is worse and the people to right
[46th AIB] of them are just as bad off. S6 said we are soldiers and we have our
orders so we will do our best. S6 said we have 24 to 48 hours more in front of
us with one more job to do which is almost done now."
With this message Lanham encouraged the 1st Battalion commander and explained
that all battalions were in the same plight. He called on Major Goforth to see
the fight through to the end.
With no more riflemen available, Lanham used the soldiers from the Support,
Anti-Tank, and Regimental Headquarters Companies to establish a reserve. At
2300 hours 1 December, he reported the following to Barton:
"CT [combat team] 22 is organizing spare parts as follows:
1. Sending as a reserve for the 2d Bn 60 men from AT [anti-tank] Company. AT
Company being stripped down to bare necessities for firing their guns.
2. Creating a regt'l reserve from 20 men from Service Company, remains of I
& R [Intelligence and Reconnaissance] Platoon (12 men) and remainder of
Security Platoon. Total strength estimated to be 40 to 45 men. Regt'l Reserve
will move to vicinity Grosshau."
If the infantrymen of the regiment are its blood and they are easily replaced
with a transfusion, then the units Lanham formed his reserve from must be
considered the backbone, replaceable only with major surgery.
From Paschendale with Treebursts
============================================================================================
Subject: 22d in the Hurtgen 2 Dec 1944
The 22d Infantry in the Hurtgen Forest 2 December 1944
Colonel Lanham planned on 2 December to send a task force from the 1st and 3d
Battalions to clear the front of the 2d Battalion and get the 2d forward to tie
in with the 1st. A German counterattack struck before daylight between Baker
and Item Companies stopped the maneuver before it started. The Germans attack
immediately penetrated to the rear of Item Company and surrounded its command
post.
At regimental headquarters, word of the attack arrived at 0650 hours.
Initially, Lanham and his operations officer believed the attack presaged
attacks against the regiment's other two battalions. When asked the status of
the breakthrough, Lanham told Barton,
"The attack was of 250 strength, I Company is dispersed, tanks and K
Company have gone to help. G6 [Barton] asked how much we had on line. S6
[Lanham] said only thin line."
For the next three hours, the regiment did everything possible to halt the
breakthrough. Germans had retaken Hill 382.5, located northeast of Grosshau,
and by 0815 hours, both Majors Goforth and Kemp were reporting Germans
approaching their command posts. Lanham told them to hang on and fight, help
was on the way.
The 3d Battalion soon turned the enemy attack to its advantage. Now it was the
Americans who were in the defensive positions. King and Love Companies sealed
both flanks of the penetration and the Germans found their routes for reinforcement
and retreat blocked when Major Kemp, the 3d Battalion Commander, called for
artillery concentrations between Gey and the woodline. To prevent shooting each
other, the two American companies used hand grenades, rifle grenades, and
bazookas on the cornered enemy forces. In the ensuing fight, sixty Germans
either died or surrendered, with only three of the captured being uninjured.
In the midst of the German counterattack, Lanham's worst fears of a major
attack on his regiment seemed about to be realized. One of the tank destroyer
units attached to the division reported intercepting a German message
announcing a Panzer division moving west into Lanham's sector. Lanham ordered
all the roads and tank approaches leading into the regiment's sector mined. The
message was incorrect, but it nonetheless added to Lanham's burden.
General Barton now also realized the problems the regiment was having. Barton
informed the VII Corps Commander, Collins, of the counterattack in the 22d's
sector and recommended that elements of the 83d Division be sent to relieve the
22d immediately. At 0945 hours Barton amplified his earlier statement to the
corps commander, explaining that,
". . . he felt that with the number of replacements and the condition of
the men in the 22d Inf that there was no further attack left in the 22d; that
the noncoms and junior leadership had been completely milked out of them over
the long period they had been in the fight; they had attacked until there was
no attack left in them; replacements are not lacking in `guts' but they are not
trained soldiers as we had before. . . ."
Barton understood that the 22d could not continue its attack because there were
no veteran junior leaders left. Although the regiment remained above 75 percent
strength, he realized the heart of the regiment was gone. There were few
soldiers left in the squads willing to subordinate their personal survival to
the regiment's mission. The only thing that kept the units in the regiment from
breaking to the rear were the few remaining veteran leaders.
When Lanham next talked to Barton, Lanham was unaware Barton had already
decided to relieve the 22d. After Lanham related to Barton the condition of his
regiment, Barton replied, "It will be taken care of." In a very brief
message, at 1500 hours, Barton communicated to Lanham that, "You will be
getting relieved tomorrow. . . . You will go to an assembly area and then . . .
take over new positions in the south." During the afternoon of 2 December,
some of the soldiers of Item Company believed lost began reappearing. Later in
the afternoon the 2d Battalion reached its objective abreast of the 1st
Battalion. The Germans had pulled back.
The 22d reported 149 casualties, the majority coming from the 2d and 3d
Battalions. The division personnel officer (G1) was able to replace only one
third of the casualties.
From Paschendale with Treebursts
============================================================================================
Subject: 22d in the Hurtgen Forest 3 Dec 44
The 22d Infantry in the Hurtgen Forest 3 December 1944
The regimental headquarters spent the last night in the Hurtgen planning the
next day's relief and the move to its new location. Lanham, still concerned
about what might happen before relief arrived, directed Captain Henley to
remain with the regiment instead of going with the advance party. The journal
reflected that, "He considers Captain Henley a symbol of good luck to the
Regiment and we have some 20 hours to sweat out."
At 0845 hours 3 December, the 1st Battalion notified regimental headquarters
that about 150 Germans were attacking Baker Company, located around a single
house on the Gey-Grosshau Road. The German attack hit the company on its flank
and began to roll the company position up, taking out one foxhole after
another. American and German artillery pounded the open ground, keeping the
Americans in their holes and preventing the main body of Germans from
reinforcing the twenty-five soldiers who had broken through the American line.
Lieutenant Westman, Baker's Executive Officer, used the headquarters platoon of
radio operators, cooks, and other soldiers to help close the breach. Help also
came from Able and Charlie Companies. Lieutenant Don A. Warner Jr., the Able
Company Commander, arrived with fifteen soldiers from his company, obtained a
machinegun from a nearby half-track, and prevented the attack from spreading.
Staff Sergeant Louis Pingatore of Charlie Company, meanwhile, took two or three
men from each platoon, all brand new replacements, and moved toward the house
now occupied by the Germans.
When machinegun fire pinned down his squad, Pingatore employed an expression,
or one similar thereto, that non-commissioned officers have used since the
Greeks stood before the walls of Troy, "Well men, we can't do a f_____g
thing sitting still." With that, the soldiers got up and began firing
simultaneously. By 1245 hours, the 1st Battalion had regained the lost ground.
This attack, although serious, did not hinder the completion of the relief.
Neither did a German attack by about thirty aircraft that flew up and down the
4th Division sector machine gunning the roads, but causing few casualties. The
330th Infantry (83rd Infantry Division) took over the sector and the 22d
withdrew and reported its last seventy-six losses.
Later, on 4 December, when the regiment was at its new location in Luxembourg
and headcounts of each company were made, another eighty casualties were
reported, with most of the casualties listed as either killed or missing in
action.
This last segment concludes the narrative account of the 22d's ordeal in the
Hurtgen. I welcome any comments.
From Paschendale with Treebursts
============================================================================================
Subject: 22d Hurtgen Epilogue
EPILOGUE
When the 22d Regiment pulled out of the Hurtgen Forest, it was posted to
Luxembourg, where on 16 December 1944, even in its reduced state, it played a
major part in containing the German Counter-offensive in the Ardennes. In February
1945, the Regiment again crossed into Germany, breaching the Siegfried Line at
the same location the 22d breached on 13 September 1944. After seizing Pr|m in
February, and Hillesheim in early March, the Regiment was given its first two
week rest away from the front line. It was the only extended period in which
the regiment was able to rest during the war. Back in combat in April, the 22d
participated in the pursuit across Germany, crossing the Isar River at Miesbach
and ended the war on occupation duty north of N|rnberg.
In the eleven months and two days of combat the 22d Regiment suffered 9359
battle casualties; killed and wounded. Non-battle casualties were also high.
The 4th Infantry Division reported 13,091 as non-battle casualties. Although no
records listing non-battle casualties by regiment have been found, a
proportional share of 4,000 would make the Regiment's total casualties more
than 13,000 for the eleven month period. If we assume a replacement for each
casualty, this means that a total of over 16,000 soldiers served with the
regiment in action; and 81 percent, regardless of time in the unit, became
casualties of one sort or another.
What became of the participants in the battle? Major General Barton, (G6) was
relieved of command of the 4th Infantry Division on 27 December and Brigadier
General Blakeney, the Division Artillery Commander, assumed command. Colonel
Lanham (S6), was promoted to Brigadier General and became the Assistant
Division Commander for the 104th Infantry Division. The Regiment's XO during
the Hurtgen, Lieutenant Colonel Ruggles became the Regimental Commander and
remained so until the Regiment was deactivated. Lieutenant Colonel Edwards, the
Regimental S3, remained in that position the remainder of the war and was the last
soldier in the regiment. On the Regiment's deactivation, he turned the 22d's
cased colors in for storage. Major Blazzard, the Regimental S2, when offered a
choice between battalion command and a trip home, chose the trip home.
Lieutenant Colonel Teague (Blue6), the 3d Battalion Commander who was wounded
on 17 November, came back to the Regiment as the Executive Officer (S5).
The Regiment's three battalion commanders at the end of the war were products
of the 22d; all having landed on 6 June as captains with the organization.
Major Goforth (Red6) was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel and remained the
commander of the 1st Battalion. When Lieutenant Colonel Kenan, the 2d Battalion
Commander was relieved in February, Captain Henly, now a major became the 2d Battalion
Commander. Major Kemp, the 3d Battalion Commandr, remained the battalion
commander, and ended the war as a Lieutenant Colonel. Captain Newcomb, who
entered the Hurtgen as the E Company Commander and became the White5 when Major
Samuels was wounded, was killed in February 1945 while again commanding a
company. Captain Harrison, who became the Blue5 on 17 November, remained the 3d
Battalion Executive Officer, and ended the war as a major.
The 22d Infantry entered the Hurtgen Forest expecting a low cost success.
Instead, the Regiment fought its way through the woods virtually unsupported in
a battle of attrition against elements of four German Divisions. Although the
22d suffered more casualties than any other regiment in the Hurtgen it lost no
ground that it did not immediately recover. The last days of the battle saw
fresh German battalions breaking thorough decimated companies of the 22d, only
to be cut off, killed or captured by other equally attrited companies rushed
into the breach.
The soldiers of the Regiment did not quit, but at the end there was no attack
left in the Regiment. The loss of junior leaders was too great. The soul of the
regiment had been ripped out. The evidence suggests that the regiment kept
fighting as long as there were soldiers in it who had trained together in the
United States, or had had significant previous combat experience in the
regiment. The regiment remained above 75 percent strength, but when all its
veterans became casualties its effectiveness was dramatically reduced. As long
as there were veterans around whom the replacements could coalesce the regiment
moved forward. The loss of these small unit leaders quite possibly dealt a more
deadly blow to the regiment's ability to attack than did the loss of every
rifle company and battalion commander.
The Regiment without doubt lived up to its motto Deeds, Not Words.
Thus the epic of the 22d in the Hurtgen comes to an end.
I welcome any comments
Rob Rush
=============================================================================================
Subject: 22d Hurtgen Conclusion
The 22d in the Hurtgen Forest -- THE AFTERMATH
On 16 November 1944 the 22d Infantry attacked into the Hurtgen Forest, not to
come out until 3 December. During that eighteen-day period, the regiment lost
2774 soldiers, or 87 percent of its assigned strength. With the turnover in the
rifle companies, and the accompanying loss of cohesion at the small unit level,
the Regiment's ability to continue came to rest on the organizational structure
and its leadership. Only veteran leadership could keep a unit from
disintegrating after having suffered such terrible casualties. When front-line
leaders became casualties, other veterans moved into these positions. When
squad cohesion disappeared, the only thing remaining for a soldier was the
framework of his company and regiment. David Rothbart, the Assignment Sergeant
for the Regiment, put it best when he wrote,
"It is becoming apparent that what makes this a good division is the
little turnover of personnel in artillery, communication, heavy weapons teams
and other supporting units; also, there are always just enough experienced men
in the rifle companies to enable them to function effectively, and perhaps most
important of all is the able leadership from battalion commanders on up."
As the battle progressed, battalions shrank to the size of companies, companies
to that of platoons, and squads existed in name only, and the veterans
disappeared. The last days of the battle saw replacements with three day's experience
in the unit leading replacements with one, and the Regiment could no longer
continue. The 22d was but a remnant of its former self. Many companies had
fewer than ten of the original 165 soldiers present for the initial attack
answer the roll call on 4 December.
The Regiment had fought and defeated in turn elements of twenty-five German
units, ranging in size from regiment to battalion. There are no existing
casualty figures for the German units, outside of those captured, but it must
be assumed that the German casualties were at least as high if not higher than
the 22d's. German companies suffered the same fate as the 22d's, but lacked the
ability to regenerate and were burned in the flame of the Hurtgen. When the
German organization broke, rather than retreat, the soldiers surrendered.
Most of the soldiers, officers and enlisted, were bitter about their experience
in the Hurtgen. Technician 5th Grade George Morgan, an armorer-artificer who
spent most of his time in the Hurtgen Forest collecting bodies, was most
poignant when he said,
" You can't get protection. You can't see. You can't get fields of fire.
The trees are slashed like a scythe by artillery. Everything is tangled. You
can scarcely walk. Everybody is cold and wet, and the mixture of cold rain and
sleet keeps falling. They jump off again and soon there is only a handful of
the old men left."
In a letter to Carlos Baker, Ernest Hemingway's biographer, Colonel Lanham
wrote,
"At this time my mental anguish was beyond description. My magnificent
command had virtually ceased to exist. . . . These men had accomplished
miracles . . . my admiration and respect for them was . . . transcendental.
" Chaplain Boice wrote,
"Perhaps in the final analysis, the sacrifice demanded in Hurtgen will be
deemed worthwhile; we wouldn't know that. . . . We are only the men who fought
the battles, . . ., who lay in the slime and mud night after night, . . ., who
did not come out of a foxhole long enough to eat Thanksgiving dinner, for life
was more precious than food. . . . A part of us died in the forest, and there
is a part of our mind and heart and soul left there."
Captain Faulkner, the company commander whose company seized Grosshau in house
to house fighting, recorded in his diary,
"Company E had 79 men and 6 officers before Grosshau (when he took command
of the company), received about 160 new men and now only a little over 80 with
3 officers are going back. It had better be worth it."
The last commander of F Company, George Wilson, wrote in his book If You
Survive,
"The objective lay only four and a half miles away, but it took eighteen
terrible days to reach [it]." After he had listed the casualties for the
regiment and his company he continued, "It was an awful beating--a
terrible price for that damned patch of ground."
Lastly, Ernest Hemingway in his novel Across the River and Into the Trees, in
which he tied in his experience with the 22d Infantry in the Hurtgen, wrote,
"Well anyway this regiment was rebuilt as American regiments always are by
the replacement system . . . It boils down, or distills, to the fact you stay
in until you are hit badly or killed or go crazy and get section-eighted. . . .
"
"We got a certain amount of replacements but I can remember thinking that
it would be simpler, and more effective, to shoot them in the area where they
detrucked, than to have to try to bring them back from where they would be
killed and bury them. . . "
The soldiers of the 22d knew they had been roughly handled. Many did not
believe the ground seized was worth the near-destruction of their regiment. The
22d Regiment paid 2714 casualties for one village and six thousand yards of
forest. The combination of dark forest, miserable weather, and incessant,
inescapable artillery fire embedded forever the battle in the psyche of the
soldiers who fought it.
But there was a benefit to the American's fight in the Hurtgen, although one
not intended. It served as a spoiling attack against the German buildup for the
Ardennes Campaign and constituted a threat against the northern flank of the
6th SS Panzer Army, weakening the army from the beginning. General G. V. von
Gersdorff, Chief of Staff of the 7th German Army both in the Hurtgen and during
the Ardennes Campaign, wrote about the impact the Battle in the Hurtgen Forest
had on the upcoming German Ardennes Counter-Offensive,
"In my opinion this was one of the primary reasons for the failure of the
offensive by the German right wing. A Hurtgen forest clear of enemy forces and
under German control would have enabled us to start the offensive with a quite
different impetus. Being intended as the center of gravity in the Ardennes
Offensive the 'Hurtgenwald' evidently was one of the decisive factors leading
to the failure of this operation."
So the effort in the Hurtgenwald was not without reward, for the fight around
Hurtgen, Kleinhau and Grosshau possibly changed the outcome in the Ardennes by
presenting a strong northern shoulder against which the 6th SS Panzer Army
broke, thus enabling the Americans early in the battle to deny the quick
approaches to the Meuse River. Had the American effort bypassed the Hurtgen
Forest to the north in November, the forest would have served both as the hinge
on which the German Counteroffensive would pivot in December and as a natural
shield through which the American divisions would have to fight to hold the
flank.
Robert S. Rush, Paschendale with treebursts
=============================================================================================
Subject: 50TH: HUERTGEN FOREST CONTINUED
From: JOHN AUSLAND
It took only a couple of days after the 4th launched its attack for us to
understand that we were up against a determined and skillful defense. During a
brief pause, I wrote a short letter home. Here it is, along with excerpts from
LETTERS HOME that may give you a little idea of how the fighting went. (This is
based on my recollections, reinforced by research in official records at the
National Archives.)
Dear Folks, Somewhere in Germany, November 20, 1944
All goes well. Read your newspapers.
Love, John
I imagine the purpose of this letter was to let my family know that I was still
alive, since they would have been reading in the press about the fighting.
Before we got to the Huertgen, Lt. Col. Cyril J. Letzelter had replaced Jack
Meyer as Commander of the First Battalion. He had commanded it for a short
while in Normandy but was wounded. Although a likable person, other officers I
have talked to while writing this book have agreed there was something lacking.
In the Huertgen, he would return at night to the battalion's rear command post.
Capt. Ralph Thomas, the battalion S-3, and I would plan the next day's attack.
He would prepare orders to the company commanders, and I would arrange any
artillery preparation. Early in the morning Letzelter would return to our
forward command post, and the attack would begin. If the companies ran into
trouble during the day, their commanders would get together and decide how to
deal with it.
One day an awkward situation arose, when regiment decided to have tanks attack
along a road. The tank commander was clearly unenthusiastic about moving
through the forest, since the Germans had anti-tank guns and the hand held
panzer faust. About the same time as the tank commander showed up, so did Col.
Richard G. McKee, who had replaced Col. Rodwell as commander of the 8th
Regiment. The tank commander put increasingly difficult questions to Letzelter,
which he had difficulty answering. Finally, Col. McKee intervened and the tanks
set off down the road. A short time later a commander of one of the tanks
showed up, sobbing. A German shell had hit the tank, and his best friend had
had his face blown off.
There was another pause, and the Germans took advantage of it to move
reinforcements into the forest opposite us. At this point, however, Col. McKee
ordered the Second Battalion to make a big demonstration, with artillery,
smoke, and the lot. It then remained in place, while the First Battalion moved
forward with no artillery or mortar preparation. This worked well. The Germans
fired their artillery and mortars at the demonstrating battalion, which
remained in covered dugouts. The First moved forward without resistance until
it reached the regimental objective, a monastery in the forest at Gut Schwarzenbroich.
There, however, it ran into German resistance. (It was during this action that
Corp. James R. Flannigan earned his DSC, but more on this later.)
On November 25, eight days after the attack began, General Barton ordered the
8th and 22nd to consolidate, while the 12th moved between them. This gave each
regiment a more reasonable front to cover. It was, however, too late. All the
units had suffered so many casualties, particularly in company officers, that
they were hollow shells. Joe Gude's C Company for example, had only forty-four
men. Before replacements could get to where he was, many were wounded or killed
by artillery or mortar fire. END
Copyright 1993, John C. Ausland